Post by RichUnfortunately I don't have access
to some of my files and library right now, so I cannot give full
biblio data, but I'll see what I can do later.
If you get a chance, I would be interested.
Post by RichThe mobile infantry extended that zone
another 20 to 30 kilometers and the Panzers were intended to be
deployed 20 to 30 kilometers deeper still.
So described that way, it seems like Rommel had total victory in his
argument with the rest of the Wehrmacht. If he triumphed in everything
(except that Hitler's permission was required to move the Panzer
divisions) then his failure on D-Day is complete. He pretty much got
exactly the fight he wanted and the Allies overwhelmed his defensive
positions anyway. And his defenses were mostly complete too, he had
called for them to be finished by June 22nd, so they were mostly
finished and ready, and the Allies still blasted through them in a few
hours, as CHAW makes clear.
It is also interesting, because the conventional wisdom is that after
the defeat in North Africa Rommel declined in prestige and power, but he
clearly had enough to triumph over most of the rest of the Wehrmacht. I
suppose that is post hoc, ergo prompter from his suicide.
Post by Richthe Germans were convinced there
were at least eight and that they had a fleet of aircraft able to move
them all in a single lift.
My first thought was that would be an absolutely enormous fleet of
transport aircraft. Then I crunched some numbers, and I figure eight
divisions of airlift in a single day's lift (a night and a day lift like
Overlord did) would be something like 5,000 C-47's. And the US did
actually build more C-47's than that, so it wasn't unreasonable for the
Germans to suppose that the Allies had eight divisions plus lift ready
for the offensive. And if they had that many divisions ready to go, then
using them for a deeper, strategic target is really the only thing that
makes sense- you wouldn't create that many divisions, and concentrate
the strategic lift necessary to carry them around, and then use them
purely for tactical gain. So I take back some of what I said earlier-
worrying about a deeper, strategic use for airborne troops did make
sense for the Germans, given how badly informed their intelligence was.
Post by RichIf you trace Guderian's
actions from June 1940 forward, you will find that he was single-
mindedly focused on the organization he had outlined in Achtung
Panzer!
So it sounds like Guderian was a dreamer who fell in love with his
beautiful vision and the same unwillingness to deviate from the dream
that kept him faithful in the dark years when no one else appreciated
him in the 1920's and meant that he stuck with it after everyone else
had moved on in the 1940's.
Post by RichBy June, six army
Panzer divisions - 2., 9., 11., 21., 116., and Lehr - and five SS
Panzer divisions - 1., 2., 9., 10., and 12. - were operational or
being reconstituted in France.
It's a little unclear, but it appears from Ellis, _World War Two: A
Statistical Survey_ that 9th and 10th SS Panzer were still in the East
on D-Day. Wiki of a million lies seems to suggest that both of them were
part of Army Group North Ukraine, preparing to receive the Soviet summer
offensive, until ordered west a few days after D-Day. Are you sure of
this count?
A final observation: my source ("Fortitude: The D-Day Deception Campaign
by Hesketh) puts the following divisions and locations for Panzer
divisions in the West on D-Day:
1st SS Panzer in Turnhout, Belgium
2nd Panzer in Amiens,
116th Panzer in Pontoise,
21st Panzer in Caen,
12 SS Panzer in Dreux,
Panzer Lehr in Chartres
17th SS PzG Poitiers,
2nd SS Panzer in Toulouse,
11th Panzer in Toulose,
9th Panzer in Avignon
As the crow flies, it is ~275 miles from Turnhout to Caen.
It is 130 miles from Amiens to Caen.
It is 110 miles from Pontoise to Caen.
It is 80 miles from Dreux to Caen.
It is 100 miles from Chartres to Caen.
It is 180 miles from Poitiers to Caen.
It is 400 miles from Toulouse to Caen.
It is 430 miles from Avignon to Caen.
Even if Rommel had total control of each of those divisions, they
weren't fooled by Fortitude South, and each of them were put in motion
immediately, given the delays necessitated by Allied air power and
SOE/OSS resistance, Hitlerjugend and Lehr had no chance of arriving
until at least the second day, by which time they had no chance of
throwing the Allies back into the sea. 12th SS Panzer did in fact enter
combat on the 7th, Lehr on the 8th. 17th SS PzG entered combat on June
11th. 2nd SS Panzer of course started for Normandy on June 7th, but took
some time off for some war crimes on the way.
116th didn't enter combat until July, but that was mostly because it was
still refitting from its losses on the Eastern front. 1st SS Panzer and
2nd Panzer both were delayed in entering battle largely due to Fortitude
South. What all of this means to me is that Hitler's famous sleeping
late on D-Day, one of the key points of "Longest Day", was of little
effect, and even Fortitude South, while helpful, certainly, wasn't
absolutely critical- the Allies still had to face and destroy LAH and
2nd Panzer before they could break out, and to some extent whether that
happened in June or August was of little overall consequence, because
neither could have possibly shown up before the Allies were established
too firmly to be evicted.
In short, the Western Allies strategic superiority for Overlord was so
great that they managed to use surprise and deception to confuse the
Germans AND SIMULTANEOUSLY had sufficient force to win even if that
surprise and deception had failed.
Chris Manteuffel--
"...the war situation has developed not necessarily
to Japan's advantage..." -Emperor Hirohito, August 14, 1945
Post by RichPost by Chris ManteuffelDo you have a good source for this? I would be fascinated to learn more.
Sadly, I am monolingual, so I would need it to be in English. I don't
recall anything from Cracking Hitler's Atlantic Wall on this topic, but
it is possible that I've forgotten it?
There are quite a number of sources unfortunately and quite a few are
after the war that were published by an Irish (of all things) history
journal. They are fascinating. Then of course there are the Rommel
Diaries, which really aren't exactly diaries. There is also the
Fuehrer Directive that resolved the controversy. Finally, the body of
postwar German memoir accumulated by the USAEUR historians - David
Isby has published the English versions in a series of three books
that are pretty readily available. Unfortunately I don't have access
to some of my files and library right now, so I cannot give full
biblio data, but I'll see what I can do later. It wasn't really a
subject to touch on in CHAW.
Post by Chris ManteuffelThat doesn't make much sense to me. It seems to me that when defending
against an amphibious assault if you are going to spread out and try to
defend near the coast, your best bet is along the beach, not immediately
inland. There the enemy is obligingly clustered together in small boats,
you have clear fields of fire, and it is very hard for them to fire
back. By focusing on defenses NEAR BUT NOT ON the beach it seems to me
that you expose yourself to having to split up your forces the same way
you would when defending the water line, and have to deal with enemy
naval firepower the same way, but also have the disadvantage that the
enemy can spread out, use cover, etc.
Sorry, but I may have confused you with my abbreviated comments.
Rommel's actual scheme is found in the Diary and can be confirmed by
an analysis of the coastal organization as it was developing in May
and June. Most significantly, most of the references to "mobile
troops" are ***not*** to the Panzer divisions; they are to mobile
***infantry*** formations, which were to make up the "inner" zone
supporting the coastal crust of static formations. The structure can
actually be most easily seen in the 15 AOK zone. By June the KVA's
(the Coast Defense Sectors) were all held by static divisions under
the control of corps, with each backed by a mobile infantry division
echeloned in depth as an immediate counterattack reserve under the
corps commander. Behind that was a Panzer division as reinforcement
for the counterattack. The static zone ran from the low tide line to
about 10 kilometers inland. The mobile infantry extended that zone
another 20 to 30 kilometers and the Panzers were intended to be
deployed 20 to 30 kilometers deeper still.
What confirms this scheme is that from about January to late May,
after Rommel took command, a number of formerly static infantry
divisions were replaced on the coastal crust and re-equipped as
"behilfsmaessiges motorisierte" divisions - "extemporaneously
motorized", usually with requisitioned French civilian motor vehicles.
They were then redeployed on the inner line behind the static crust.
The redeployments of 91. Infanterie-Division (LL) and 352. Infanterie-
Division was also part of the scheme that was an adaptation to the
peculiar geography of the Cotentin. 91. was deployed as a central
reserve for the Cotentin, backstopping the 243. ID in Cherbourg and
the 709. ID defending the Varreville coastline. 352. ID's deployment
was forced by the simple lack of divisions. You also see in early June
that 116. Panzer Division, when declared provisionally operational,
moved to the Seine-Somme sector, taking some of 2. Panzer's former
zone - and then when 2. Panzer went to Normandy, it took it's entire
zone.
(snip)
Post by Chris ManteuffelOr is it that the mobility that post-war helicopters offer show the
limitations of paratroops more clearly?
Actually in this case it was mostly driven by the German acceptance of
the FORTITUDE deception planning with regards to the notational Allied
airborne forces. Whereas the Allies actually had only three
operational divisions (1st British was not fully operational and they
didn't have the lift for it anyway); the Germans were convinced there
were at least eight and that they had a fleet of aircraft able to move
them all in a single lift. It is most interesting that both the major
TEWT's the Germans conducted in Ob.West in 1944 - one in February and
the second, more famous one scheduled at Nantes on 6 June - were anti-
airborne exercises. Ironic, especially for Maj.Gen. Falley, who was
killed by American paratroopers while he was returning from Nantes.
Post by Chris ManteuffelInteresting. So Guderian is still attempting for victory, only his is
predicated on the Western Allies not attacking in the summer of 1944?
That seems like it was more an example of motivated reasoning (in order
for my plan to work, other people must do this and that, so they will)
than an actual conclusion based on evidence[2].
Guderian's anticipated a Soviet
Post by Richoffensive in the June-July time frame and expected it would run its
course against the German defenses by early August. His plan was to
rail at least ten of the divisions in the west, reinforced by separate
Panther and Tiger battalions, east, where he would fling them against
the Soviets in a gigantic counteroffensive, destroying the Soviet
mobile forces...blah, blah, blah.
Post by Chris ManteuffelOf course, I have the advantage of hindsight and understanding of how
vast the forces arrayed against Germany were, and I can understand how
Guderian would have to mentally put that out of his mind in order to
keep fighting.
Yep. Pretty delusional, but we have our own perfect example of
delusional thinking in the face of even more substantial facts right
here. :)
Post by Chris ManteuffelSo Guderian was hoping to gather up approximately the forces that did
the Battle of the Bulge- 10 Pz.+ PzG divisions, plus supporting
infantry. Would that really have given the Germans victory in the East?
More than that. There were some 800-odd Panzers and StuG deployed in
the Ardennes. Guderian planned for about 2,000... :) And no, it
wouldn't have given them victory.
Post by Chris ManteuffelThe Ten Victories of the Red Army just seems like it's going to
overwhelm the Germans no matter what- even if those forces were able to
blunt Bagration they couldn't stop it, and they can't do anything about
the rest of the front. It might improve the German situation compared to
what happened historically in July[3], but the Germans would still be
worse off than they were before the attack started.
Yep. But he thought he would ***destroy*** the Soviet operational
forces facing the Germans in the east when their offensive had run its
course, which he never expected would so decisively defeat HG-Mitte.
Denial; it's not just a river in Egypt. :)
Cheers!
--
"...the war situation has developed not necessarily
to Japan's advantage..." -Emperor Hirohito, August 14, 1945